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| 5/10/2006 KurdishMedia.com - By Dr Rebwar Fatah | ||
| History hides the answers of most of our questions. Historical phenomena lose their mystery after being understood. There are many characters of modern Iraqi state that puzzle most of us. But studying the history of Iraq solves these puzzles. This study serves as an explanation of the socio-political situation of Iraq. Understanding the past is essential to comprehend the present. Studying the past shows us how we arrived at today and enables us to see how to bring positive changes in the future. To understand Iraq as it is today means to go back and look at its forgotten history. This study addresses an important period in what is today known as Iraq, during which the country opened up and became part of a more international market albeit by outside regimes, mainly Britain. During this time, economic and social structures and government organisations were defined. These new changes led to the appearance of modern organisations, including political parties. Although the country known as Iraq is recent, the study treats three Wilayets of Mosul, Baghdad and Basra, which were part of Ottoman Empire, as one market and as Iraq. The study is in a number of sections: - European influence - Changes of Tribal lifestyle - Destruction of craftsmen - Land ownership - Development of industrial economy - Impact of WW1 - Changes in the social structure - Conclusion European influence The industrial revolution began when the young Englishman, John Kay, invented the new machine for weaving cloth. Kay died penniless without knowing that his invention would change millions of lives around the world. In what is today known as Iraq, it created millionaires, but destroyed the livelihoods of many of its people. For the industrial revolution in Europe led to the emergence of international trade, and while Iraq had a self-sustained economy, international trade destroyed this economy. The self-sustained economy of Iraq consisted of tribes with a communist lifestyle. The villagers (Arab Bedouin and Kurdish nomad tribes) and the craftsmen exchanged goods among themselves. Most of the needs of the population were satisfied with the hand-made merchandised produced by craftsmen such as weavers of fabrics and textiles, gold, wood makers, smith and shoe makings. In the mid-19th century, during the Ottoman Empire, trading was localised in the neighbouring countries within Persia the Wilayet of Ottoman Empire and India. Merchandise was transported via land on the back of animals mainly camels, donkeys and mules. This was the major trading activity of Iraq. The towns were the centres of economic structure and administration of the society. In the mid-19th century, the population of Iraq was just under 1.25 million. The population of the towns, less than third of a million, lived on crafts and administrations. The development of industry in Europe during the early second half of the 19th century required new markets and new resources (raw material, manpower, expertise). Iraq had both. The exports of goods such as wheat, dates and wool increased in several folds. This in turn impacted on the increase of the production. This trade bounding, however, came with socio-political consequences. This new development made Iraq join the policies of international market and international economy. Iraq became a supplier of raw materials to the international market and an importer of European products such as fabrics, sugar, coffee, tea, spices, coal, oil, paints, olives, copper and led. British export levels increased drastically during 1825-1853. In 1825 the value of imports and exports were £4,420,8803 and £56,320,182 respectively while these figures increased to £123,099,000 and £242,072,000 respectively in 1853. The rate of increase was 270% in imports and 432% in exports during quarter of a century. The value of imported products increased from a quarter Million Dinar in mid 19th century to six million in the 1920’s. Britain had to look for new markets to sell its products and sources to get raw materials. Baghdad and the ports in the Gulf, including Basra, were used as storage for European products. Most of these products were awaiting exchange for agricultural and animal products of the Gulf countries. The demand for raw materials and economic relationship with the East assisted in the economic development of the Ottoman Empire. The development of the international trade with the industrial countries helped to develop a class of traders. Particularly in big cities like Basra, Baghdad and Mosul. Consequently this class established their own companies and trading institutions: the trading office in Mosul established in the last decade of the 19th century. Changes of Tribal lifestyle The Iraqi tribes were originally nomads who searched for land to feed their camels and herds. The Kurdish tribes, for example, moved form winter to spring areas where they could find food for their animals and herds and secure their living. As they found agriculture productive in economic terms, they started to settle. The agriculture became common as the result of bonding Iraq to the international economic system. The new development imposed a new lifestyle on the Bedouin tribes who consisted of about half a million people. Instead of being mobile and searching for a place to camp in the desert, the Bedouin started living on guarding and transporting products of the reassuring new trade. During this period, the Bedouin population decreased and the village population of heard -keepers, shepherds, farmers and agriculture in towns increased. With the ancient way of living destroyed a new style of living opened up in agriculture, farming and herd-keeping. Hence farming land increased and the number of life stocks, in particular sheep and goats, increased whilst the number of camels decreased. The water systems also improved whilst the number of water pumps also increased. However, tax increased. The agricultural land increased from 600 thousand Acres in 1918 by four folds in 1917. The Bedouin were now sedentary and became landowners or/and land keepers. In the 1860s, the agriculture only existed in the big cites, e.g. Baghdad, Mosul, Basra, Baqiba, and their surroundings. The agricultural area drastically increased during the period. As a result, four Arab tribes, al-Jaboor, al-Akidan, Abo Badran and al-Hadidan, took agriculture as their way of living. In Southern Kurdistan (north of Iraq) four sizeable Kurdish tribes also settled on land. All the members of Dizaiee tribe and a majority of three other tribes, Jaff, Harkki and Hamawand, became sedentary. This led to changes in the social structure: the Sheikhs or Aghas of the tribes took part in the management of agricultural land and life stocks (herds) while the Bab al-Aley (Ottoman government) stopped doing this. In most cases, the Sheikh from a caring Amir (leader) of the tribe became a landlord with the tribe members as his workers. However, some of the Sheikhs realised that the power is coming from the state, not from the tribe. They migrated to Baghdad and left their land to be managed by their sons or deputies. The Bedouin controlled trading with neighbouring countries. European trades damaged this. For example, the Yemeni coffee trade with Iraq and Iran was destroyed, eventually being replaced by coffee from South America and tea from India. The coffee was exported from India until 1901, which was 53,269 Ib (approximately 24,000 kgm). In 1905, the traders from Basra imported good quantities of cheap coffee from South America, until the Yamani coffee hardly used in Iraq. The Bedouins lost their social status as the guards and tax collectors of merchandised transporting in their areas and trading excelled between Mesopotamia (Iraq), Sham (Syria), Arabia (Saudi) and Persia (Iran). New opportunities were opened up and they settled down to become herd-keepers. Thus from being a self-sufficient unit they became part of the international socio-economic infrastructure (which some know as the global capitalist system). After the mid 19th century, towns and cites became the centre for exchanging products. Work opportunities expanded in the cities, which resulted in some Bedouins and villagers leaving to go to the cities like Baghdad, Basra and Mosul to work. This led to the emergence of shanty towns in the out skirts of the towns which consequently became Madinat al-Thawra in Baghdad, al-Jumhoria in Basra, Shoriga in Kirkuk and al-Mansur in Mosul. The villages became the centres of production of animal and agricultural products. On some occasions the rich people of the cities owned these. They paid the Arab heard-keepers a fixed charge for each head. The nomad tribes exhibited numerous numbers of herds in the towns. For example, in Mosul Wilayet, £30-80 thousands worth of goats were sold to Syria every year, Cattle were sold to Egypt via Syria and Buffaloes were sold to Anadol. Agriculture and farming was very much dependent on weather. The agricultural productivity from 1864 to 1958 can be explained by the increase of salt: they abandoned land because of its saturation of salt. That is why the agriculture and farming did not absorb a big number of the Bedouin. A large number of villagers were unemployed during the unproductive seasons. Destruction of craftsmen The craftsmen satisfied most of the needs of the population. Iraqi goods were exported to the neighbouring counties, in particular Iran. The invasion of European products to Iraq increased competitively in the market. The local goods neither competed with it in cost or in quality. The competition was not without its victims. It took no more than one decade to eradicate craftsmen not only in Baghdad and other big cites, but even in remote parts of the countryside. Craftsmen were forced to take up emerging opportunities available in the new socio-economic system: which included trading, shop keeping and labouring. Some of the weavers sold their looms to become the traders of the same fabrics of European origin. Some of the weavers were displaced from their positions and possibly absorbed into the needs of newly arrived industries. Craft work was under severe attack from foreign capital and customs polices, which lead to a major destruction of an important part of them. The other part had to rehabilitate on the modern basis. After the mid-19th century the businesses of craftsmen started to evaporate. However, some of them adapted to the new socio-economic infrastructure. They revolutionised their production to create a market for antiques. They also needed to produce new products, which were mainly taken from the historical scenery of the country. Some of these included the sculpture of the Lion of Babylon; the sculpture of Summers and the sculptures of the unknown Soldier in Baghdad. Most of the products of Nuhassen (the brass makers) in Sooq al-Safafir in Baghdad were sold as antiques. Their products became international and were exported abroad. Some al-Hadad shops sold these items. Those who did not have a chance to become traders or could not find gaps in the market migrated to villages, other towns or neighbouring countries where there could still find a market for their goods. Their most demanded product was the women's woollen cover (Aba); the craftsmen who produced this particular brand moved to the religious areas such as Najif, Karbla, Al-Aimara, Sooq Al-Sheikh and Al-Qurna where there were still demands on these products. European products took longer to invade these holy places. The religious natures of these places may have been a factor. In 1911 the number of weavers that still deployed manual looms in Mosul was estimated to be around 500. The reduction of the local wavering was so drastic during the 20s and 30s that the number of manual looms in Baghdad reduced to 130 in 1934. Thus the number of the workers in this field in Baghdad dropped drastically from a high number of 3500 in 1866 to several hundreds in the 30s. Land ownership The land in Iraq, historically, has been legally owned by governed states. It was the legitimate right of the tribes and villagers to explore and use the grass for feeding animals. The right of deployment, utilisation and feeding animals of agricultural land in Iraq has historically been of a communist nature for the tribes and villagers. However, the development of trade and profits ended this. The central state usually governed through the use of these casts. It would not have been possible to administrate the land without the use of casts that had been developed historically. These included the likes of Cline sheikhs and the civil people from big civil traders. The Aghas were established as the key negotiators between the state and the people. They were also responsible for solving the problems of the villagers. They were the local authority. When the property ownership started, the Aghas had all or most of the village lands. The economic states of the tribal leader helped them get political power. The Sheikh's states were passed to their sons or brothers. Despite all the odds the Sheikh family always had some status. The Sheikhs had the legal, responsibility of the village. In the run up to the 20th century, the tribe members eventually lost all their economic and political status. Most of them became the herd-keepers for the rich Sheikhs. In this way the tribes became subordinate under the economic powers of the Sheikh. This also increased the Sheikh's fortune. If any thing the new development made the tribe member less fortunate, in most cases they lived in poverty. As the Sheikhs got rich they would eventually leave the tribe and migrate to the cities. In 1958 the ownership of land was as follows: 68% of agriculturally used land was owned by 2%, that was 5% of the population of the big landlords, whilst 98% of all the landlords had the right of activity on 32% of all the agricultural land. About 3,295,000 Donim (each Donim equals 2500 square meters) were owned by 95 landlords. Some families owned over quarter Donim. According to the 1957 statistic censor the number of the village workers (with and without land) was estimated to be around 852-thousand. But the numbers of the landlords were about 168 thousand. If we assume that the number of landlords who did not own more than one piece of land equal to those who were landlords, the number of villagers without any land equals to 684 thousand, i.e. 80% of the villages before 1958. Development of industrial economy The emergence and accumulation of capital, led by traders and farmers (agriculture and heard-keeping) goes back to the 50s of 19th century. The appearance of the industrial capital started in the 1920s. The industry started with the capital amassed from agriculture and trade. The capital accumulated in the fields of trade, building and water pumps became available to develop a national consumer industry, in particular weavers of wool and cigarettes during the 1930s. The capital raised from these sectors was input into the development of current and new consumer industries such as vegetable oil, soaps, beer, building materials and some new technology such as cement. The exported products needed supporting structures such as preparations and packaging. The building industry, in particular bricks, cement, were the first national production industry. It developed with building government offices, schools, company buildings, foreign institutions, houses of rich town people in Baghdad and Basra particular the 70s of 19th century. This also included building dams, cannel for watering. The building industries absorbed some of the seasonal workers. The development of building industries, watering projects and building helped develop cement industry in the 1950s. The imported cement from about 45.5 thousand tons in 1935 increased to 80.7 thousand tons in 1946. The new economic and social activities were prerequisite to a new infrastructure. European merchants and the locals who dealt with them during early 19th century had links with merchants in India, and started to utilise the post services. Every week they watched the merchandise and their prices in the market. The telecommunications and roads were built between the agricultural, farming and oil centres with the big cites such as Baghdad, Basra and Mosul. Rivers (Tigers and Euphrates) were cleaned up and train lines were built. During the clean up of the river paths by Chesney in 1837, the East Indian Company sent three armed ships to Basra in the end of 1839 to trade in the Iraqi waters. The new trading activities imposed new international trading highways and new trading centres. The old camel-and-mule caravan trading roads became obsolete; this in turn destroyed some trading centres that had developed because of traditional trading. Roads were extended. The Swiss canal was opened in 1869. Opening of the canal helped the development and gave a momentum to port of Basra and was deemed as a prerequisite for the social, economic and cultural development of the country. The number of camels, mules and donkeys decreased as new ways of transports emerged. The number of sheep and goats increased and the agricultural land increased as the demand for animal and agricultural products also increased. The expansion of the British interests in Gulf countries in particular Iraq and Iran prompted the Indian government to ask these countries to extend their telecommunication lines (telegraphs) in order to get faster access to Britain. Improvement of rivers for sailing, the newly build port of Basra, the improvements made to train lines, post offices and oil refineries emerged as necessities for the European industry. Impact of WW1 As the result of WW1, factories were destroyed due to social unrest the presence of the British army in Iraq. Before WW1, Iraq depended on fabrics and wool produces, in particular the British. However, WW1 destroyed the European industry and international trading. It became impossible for cargo ships to reach the port of Basra because of security threats. This led to reduction of European imported goods in Iraq and reduced exports to Europe. Furthermore, by now most of the local craftsmen were out of business as they were destroyed by the competition of the European products. Before 1888 the wool was still brought to the market by the craftsmen to produce bags, clothing, covers, etc. When WW1 started, trading and agriculture activities were paralysed until the 1930s. Capitalists were forced to search for new ways of making money. WW1 brought many new changes including a New World economy. The industry before the war was no longer reliable. The Iraqi capital owners started buying production machinery from Europe. The factory of Aziz Azra Yakob and associates used to waver wool on the outskirts of Baghdad. Their factory contained 10 looms that produced heavy blankets (ajwaf) and tents that were suitable for government purposes in schools, the army, police and prison inmates. 65 people worked in this factory in 1926, this number increased to 200 in 1931. In 1929, another factory was opened by Fatah Pasha and his sons in west Kazimia. This particular factory contained 4 looms that were imported from Poland under the supervision of Polish engineers. It produced woollen blankets and fabrics. The number of the workers reached 300, amongst them were some women, their wages were in the range of 50-250 Fils (one Iraqi Dinar is 1000 Fils). Because the European demand on exported wool increased from 3800 tones (at an average price of 71.6 per ton during 1912-13) to 4900 tones annually (at an average price of 56.6 per a tone during 1919-25), traders were obliged to find other markets in which to sell wool. Iraq was one of those markets. The average increment of the Iraqi export during 1864-1913 increased around 20 times; however during the period of 1919-1939 it increased only by 4 times, a huge reduction. After WW1 the climate was more suitable to import machinery. The laws helped this to happen. The Definition of customs Tax law (No 30 - 1927) and its modifications in 1928 and 1930 assisted in importing machinery. According to the law, the machinery that helps the production of agriculture and farming (including livestock) and those that use agriculture and farming products as raw materials (processing agriculture and farming products) were relieved from tax. The tax on imports and exports helped increase the price of imported consumer goods. This helped to open the market for the national consumer goods, which was the only alternate for imported ones. The national consumer industry emerged and developed. Thus, industry helped to develop a different social structure in Iraq. From the mid-19th century Iraq become part of the international market. The consumer industry emerged in the 1930s, while agriculture and farming industries emerged during the 1850s. The accumulated capital in agriculture and farming was a prerequisite for the industrial development. There were a limited number of consumer industries: wavering, leather, food, timber, paper and alcohol. Changes in the social structure The industrial revolution in Europe forced a socio-economic revolution in the East. The old structure declined and the new structure took over. The old socio-economic centres, such as Najaf, Karblal and Jalawla, lost their importance and new centres, such as Basra, Baghdad, Mosul and Kirkuk, emerged. The socio-economic activities before 1958 were mainly formed of trading, estate-management, urban land owning, industrial, banking and building societies, and exchange of currencies. Those who controlled the Iraqi exports were estate-owner and were dealing with other traders, bankers and developed industrialists (civil) casts. Sometimes one family was controlling most of these activities. For example, a Baghdad family known as Sason were wool traders; some of their members were big traders in Bombay and also owned wavering factories in Manchester. They had a close relationship with the Churchill family of London. Some of the estate-owners became traders to deal with the foreign in particular British companies, such as Lang, Eastern India and The Gulf Company for Trading. Hence an owner of a date farm had to take part of the production, including packaging and presentations, of the date for national and international market via national and international companies. Chalabi family, for example, were very rich estate-owners and in the same time traders; Abdul al-Hadi al-Chelebi was one of big wheat traders trading with Underwear company after the 2nd world war. The al-Zuhar family, a rich family, were land-owners and worked in trading dates dealt with foreign companies, in particular The Coy Macanzee Company; Suleman and Qasim al-Zuhar became very foamiest. Qasim, in the 70s of 19th century, became the head of Trading Court and had a wide trading relationship, in particular with India. The capital of Mohammad Tahir al-Baghdad and his son Abdul al-Aziz al-Baghdad developed form trading activities to establishment of industries, in particular cigarettes. Mohammad was a trader before WW1. His capital estimated to be 60 thousand Ottoman Liras. After three years the factory mainly became Abd al-Aziz al-Baghdad. They also had trading activities, in particular tobacco and grain. Their capital was estimated to be two million Dinnars. A complex class of traders rose from the new socio-economic situations. This class can be classified according to their capitals - the ability to trade. Very few of them controlled the international trade and built relationships abroad. These concentrated in the big cites such as Baghdad, Basra and Mosul. Some of them also controlled the trading with the neighbouring countries. For example, the sugar trading was controlled by the Iraqis. This, for example, can be seen by the quantity of sugar that arrived in Port Saeed to Basra in 1876 on the board of one of the Indo British companies on behalf of an Iraqi trader, Razq Fath Alla Abood. A great number were batch dealers and dealt with the big international traders. The batch traders dealt with a wider group of small traders, shopkeepers, and retailers. During this period, the life in the towns were mainly consists of shops one next to the other specialise in trading within the primate structure. Baghdad, as a centre for industry crafters or capitalist started to decay and became a centre for trading activities in the first place. It was not only competition of European goods that had its victims. Iraq is now an industrial country: competition is part of it. The competition between the traders led to displace the smaller of shop-owners and mobile shops; they became workers in the newly developed sectors. This is what a Kurdish trader said in 1922: "four years ago I was a trader, had 200 Liras and my income was always lower than my expenditure; now I sell some simple merchandised that is hardly marketable.” The arrival of foreign goods such as textiles, boxes to package dates, nails, bags, etc., to the Iraqi market displaced the craftsmen of wavers, box makers, etc. The deputy of the political governor of the town of Kufri in 1918 says that the woollen and cotton textiles that were woven in Kufri are no longer produced there due to the disintegration of their industry. Since the mid-19th century, the emergence of job opportunities attracted villagers out of work to come to the towns in and work in permanent or seasonal jobs. The number of travellers to the towns during 1947-57 was 450 while it increased to 348,694 during 1957-65. Baghdad, Basra and Mosul became centres of power, coming big camps for those who searched for jobs. For example, in 1947, 104,556 people (56,867 males and 47,739 females) moved to Baghdad from the rural areas, which constituted 21.0 percent of the Baghdad’s population. In 1957, this figure increased to 214,397 people (116,205 males and 98,192 females), which constituted 26.8 percent of the Baghdad’s population. Seasonal workers who worked in the villages travelled to towns during particular seasons to work in the building industries and seasonal industries, such as exports. They travelled between the villages and towns according to the market needs. The number of seasonal workers reached 50 thousands in 1932. Continuously, these workers settled in the outskirts of town to form little villages. The working class were made up from Bedouins, peasants and craftsmen. The working class were later striped from all of their ownership, such as craftsmen of their towns, and peasants to leave their villages to find work. However they still kept their traditional philosophy of tribal and tayfei and still behaved on the bases of stoned customs who were adopted for thousands of year. For example in 1932, 9,000 workers employed by the train lines, 1,270 in port of Basra, 1000-2000 in Iraqi Oil Company, 1000 in The Khanaqin Oil Company and 180 in the Iraqi Cotton industry. These economic and social changes led to changes in the administration of the state since the mid-19th century. The new socio-economic structure required a new a modern state. The police were established in 1918, and army first emerged in 1920. Needless to say, state expenditure increased. National Service was imposed in the south of Iraq in 1870. The army was not separated from the police until 1838 when the sixth Failaq (Battalion) of the Turkish army were established with the headquarters in Baghdad. Thus the Wally's duty (civil duty) was separated from the Failaq leader (military duties). At the same time, the state machine was also reformed. This lead to several phenomena: the establishment of some new official centres, specialisation of some offices, changes in the tax regimes, development of a new Turkish bureaucracy class that received the principles of European intellects. Conclusion The development of industry in 19th century Europe required new markets and new resources. Iraq’s ability to export much-needed products to Europe led to the country becoming part of the international market and economy. During this period of capitalism, the Arab Bedouin tribes and Kurdish nomad population decreased. Soon many tribes were extinct. With this ancient way of living extinguished, a new way of life emerged in agriculture and trading. Of course, importing many products from Europe, homemade goods could not compete in either cost or quality. Craftsmen were forced to take up new opportunities in towns and cities such as Baghdad, Basra and Mosul. As a result, the old camel-and-mule trading routes were made redundant, killing off traditional trading. But Iraq continued to grow, and this led to the structure of a modern socio-economic structure and modern state, albeit struggling to bring the newly emerged unskilled working class who had lost their livelihood to and could not cope with the new technology. This was a cultural shock for the majority of the population, creating a rebellion mentality against the newly imposed authorities. Three factors came to an effect in defining Iraq as today, a totalitarian and authoritarian state. Firstly, a cultural shock took hold of the country as it was forced to go against its former order. This was the result of socio-economic activities by the western interference via trading, largely imposed during the industrial revolution. These western values were imposed on the Iraqi society, which the society repulsed against and seemed hostile. The modern socio-political changes in today’s Iraq came as an invading force to hundreds of years of living and production. It was not a natural evolution of the socio-political forces. This was an abrupt change to the way people lived, but perhaps it did not change their culture as cultural changes are always behind the changes in the infrastructure. That is why despite having a modern way of production, the western civil society never developed to match the socio-economic infrastructure. Secondly, to benefit from this important market and source of raw material, in particular oil (which was discovered early 20th century), Britain had to occupy Iraq during The British Mandate Years in Iraq (1918-1932), and set up the occupational government which was ran be Britain directly. This needed to be an oppressive state as the population rebelled against the cultural shock that was imposed by the new international market. This period of Iraq witnesses continuous unrest against the British rule. The state’s main function was to impose socio-political infrastructure over the Iraqi population, hence the emergence of the totalitarian and authoritarian state in Iraq. Thirdly, what assisted in the evolution of the totalitarian and authoritarian state was that the natural resources such as land and rivers was historically publicly owed. When the state of Iraq established, it became the owner of all these rich resources. Hence this led to the creation of a strong central government in Iraq that is capable of controlling the population. The question, knowing this background, is how positive changes can be brought about in Iraqi population. In the light of this study a number of proposals can be made. De-centralisation of power: The central government has to be weakened and decentralised, and should only control a few functions, such as defence, finance and oil. The main power should be given to the regions, formerly Kurdistan, the Sunni region and Shiia region. Iraq today was glued together for the interest of superpowers, in particular Britain, which is clear after three years of ousting Saddam Hussein’s government the country, is still extremely unstable and it has effectively divided to its natural parts. Promotion and implementation of local democracy: Even these three regions should give their power to elected councils. Establishment of free market economy: Liberalisation and privatisation of natural resources in particular oil in order to reduce the government’s public ownership, making it less attractive for interference internally, e.g. military coupes, and externally, governments and influential financial and institution, e.g. oil companies. Separation of politics with economy and finance: the politicians must not have economic and financial interests. Their accounts and sources of their financial incomes must be transparent to the population. Without these major steps, life would be normal in Iraq, destruction and bloodshed, as it has been since early last century. Sources Note: I have used a substantial number of resources. However, these are specifically influenced the study. Dr Kamal Madhar Ahmad, The role of Kurdish people in the Iraqi revolution in 20th - in Arabic, al-Hawadith Publishing house, Baghdad, 1978 Dr Kamal Madhar Ahmad, Kurdistan during the years of the WWI – in Arabic, Kurdish Scientific society, Baghdad, 1977 Emad Ahmad al-Jawahiri, The history of land disputes in Iraq, 1914-32, The Ministry of Art and Culture, Baghdad, 1978 Dr Muhamad Hasan Salman, The economic development in Iraq: the foreign trading and economic development 1864 -1958, al-Maktaba al-Asriya, Beirut, 1965 Dr Muhamad Hasan Salman, Studies in Iraqi economy, Dar al-Taliya, Beirut, 1966 Dr Muhamad Hasan Salman, The fronities of the Iraqi revolution: the economic factor in the first Iraqi revolution, a-Thwra Newspaper Publishing House, 1958 Muahmmed Tofiq Hassan, The end of feudalism in Iraq, Beirut, 1958 Abdul-Razaq al-Hassani, The history of the Iraqi ministries, 3rd edition, Sayida Publications, Beirut, 1965 Khalil Ibrahim al-Kalid and Mahdi Muhammed al-Arzi, the history of principles of land in Iraq Dr Sabah al-Durra, The Industrial development, private sector, Baghdad, 1968 Dr Sabah al-Durra, The public sector and ways of its development, al-Rwad Publishing House, Baghdad, not dated Dr Adnan Rauf, About the labour relations in the factory, Iraqi Ministry of education and Media, Baghdad, 1979 Hikmat Sami Suleman, the Iraqi Oil, study in political economy, Iraqi Ministry of education and Media, Baghdad, 1979 Abbas al-Azzawi, The history of taxes in Iraq, the trading and publication company, Baghdad, 1959 Abbas al-Azzawi, Iraqi Tribes, the trading and publication company, Baghdad, 1937 Dr Hussein Muhammed al-Qahwayi, The trading role Basra in the Arab [Persian] Gulf 1869 – 1914, The centre of Arab Gulf of the University of Basra, Baghdad, 1980 My thanks to Chris Lacey and Sharon Attard. |
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